The slogan for today’s Holocaust Memorial Day is “Don’t Stand By” — a reference to the widespread Jewish belief that many people in Britain and elsewhere turned a blind eye to Jewish suffering during World War II.

Just in case anyone misses the insinuation, the HMD website spells it out.

The Holocaust and subsequent genocides took place because the local populations allowed insidious persecution to take root. Whilst some actively supported or facilitated state policies of persecution, the vast majority stood by silently — at best, afraid to speak out; at worst, indifferent. Bystanders enabled the Holocaust, Nazi Persecution and subsequent genocides.

This attempt to spread responsibility for the events of 1939–1945 from the perpetrators to Britain and every other White country in Europe has long been an aim of Jewish ethnic activists, and now it seems they have been successful.

A good example is the Holocaust Explained website, intended as an education site for schools and funded by Jewish organisations as well as municipal authorities. It explains that the British have much to be ashamed of in their treatment of Jews before and during the war. So British schoolchildren who up until now have been told their people had a “good war” will now learn another story: Britain is culpable.

Atonement is healthy. A willingness to confront harsh truths about one’s past shortcomings is an admirable and necessary trait.

So it might be reasonable to ask if the Jewish community in Britain might not be prepared to do some soul-searching itself. Specifically it might ask itself how it was that it allowed its community to be led by a suspected child rapist who was widely believed to have been preying on vulnerable boys in care for decades.

During this time Greville Janner QC reached the highest pinnacle of Jewish communal life and, as President of the British Board of Deputies, he provided leadership for his entire community for six years.  He was the founder of the Holocaust Education Trust and as vice president of the World Jewish Congress. He was deeply involved in campaigning for financial restitution for holocaust victims. He sat on the Community Security Trust and the Jewish Leadership Council. He was the confident of Prime Ministers at home and other leaders abroad. For decades the Jewish community in Britain had no more prominent ambassador.

At the end of his career, he was given the ultimate accolade of elevation to the House of Lords and as Lord Janner of Braunstone, was no less active as a roving emissary for the Jews of Britain. It was hard to imagine a prominent dinner, reception or conference would have been complete without him.

Yet at the same time he was widely suspected of raping vulnerable boys in council care homes in Leicestershire. Three police inquiries into his behaviour were mysteriously derailed in 1991, 2002 and in 2007. Yet despite incriminating corroborated testimony, government lawyers refused to proceed with a prosecution.

After the allegations were voiced publicly in court in 1991, during the trial of Frank Beck, a Leicestershire care worker and child abuser, Greville Janner was cheered by supportive colleagues in the Commons when he angrily denounced the allegations against him.

But it was a different story last year. Eventually after widespread public pressure, the humiliated Director of Public Prosecutions was forced into a U-turn. She announced that criminal proceedings would begin.

Following this, Roger Bannister, the assistant chief constable of Leicestershire, said: “There is credible evidence that this man carried out some of the most serious sex crimes imaginable over three decades against children who were highly vulnerable and the majority of whom were in care.”

Sadly Lord Janner died in December before the charges against him could be tested.

A government inquiry led by Queen’s Counsel has confirmed there were serious shortcomings in the police investigations and law officers’ decisions.  There was evidence to charge Janner in 1991 and the decision not to charge him then was wrong. In 2002 police failed to supply allegations to the law officers and in 2007 there was again “a realistic prospect of conviction for offences of indecent assault and buggery” and a failure to arrest and interview him.  The shamefaced Director of Public Prosecutions Alison Saunders said:  “It is a matter of sincere regret that on three occasions, opportunities to put the allegations against Lord Janner before a jury were not taken.” Saunders reputation has never recovered from a decision last year not to go to court because Janner was suffering from senile dementia.

However his illness did not stop the 87-year-old founder of the Holocaust Education Trust from taking part in parliamentary debates, travelling to Israel for conferences and collecting a hundred thousand pounds in expenses. He was also compos mentis enough to sign over his property deeds to his children thereby putting them out of range of any damages litigation.

The victims were devastated at the cancellation of a “trial of the facts“, due to take place in April. In this procedure a jury would have been asked to decide — without reaching a decision about whether Janner  was guilty — if 22 alleged incidents of abuse from the 1960s to the 1980s had taken place.

Since Janner’s death there has been a steady stream of revelations about this respected figure. A waspish Guardian obituary confirmed that despite 27 years as an MP, he never rose to senior ministerial status because of the rumours that swirled about him. For years threats of legal action saw off the rumours, a danger that has passed now.

And there was a suggestion of financial impropriety. Tory members forced him off one sensitive committee because of one of his many lucrative extra-parliamentary interests, advising well-paid industrial executives of precisely the sort of matters the committee was investigating. Janner sat on the board of the Ladbrokes betting chain run by “controversial” businessman and Jewish community leader Cyril Stein.

Janner’s reputation is now gone.  Even the kindergarten school in Galilee that was named after him has removed the plaque bearing his name.   But the questions remain.

It is a shame that there will be no opportunity to hear from Janner’s close friends in the Jewish community. For instance it might have been interesting to hear from the former Director of Public Prosecutions in 1991, a Jewish lawyer called Allan Green, exactly what happened to derail that first inquiry.  Green has chosen not to comment.  And then there are the other associates such as Community Security Trust chairman — and ex-jailbird — Gerald Ronson. Lord Stanley Kalmes for whose peerage Janner lobbied, was a former treasurer of the Conservative Party. Had they heard any of lurid rumours about Janner that were so widespread since at least the eighties?

Curious is it not, that there is wide debate about another public figure involved in a similar politically sensitive scandal. The DJ Jimmy Savile was also up to his neck in rumours for a long time, and today “who knew what” about Savile is seen as a legitimate question. So why is no-one in the media asking the same about Janner?

Loyalty is an admirable quality, as his family and community have demonstrated.  His daughter Rabbi Laura Janner has hinted darkly at anti-Semitism being the real motive for the allegations. Since the story re-emerged last year she seemed to cope by send as many Syrian refugees to Britain as possible.

It has taken a Jewish dissident writer to do what no one in Fleet Street dare do, and point out that when Janner was carrying out his — alleged — rapes, sometimes — allegedly in the marital bed —  he was also the leader of the Jewish community in Britain. Gilad Atzmon believes that the leadership of the Jewish community should issue a public apology.

At the least, all these prominent Jewish organisations ought to issue an apology or at least admit to gross misjudgement in letting a person who was a suspected paedophile remain a leader of prominent Jewish institutions for almost five decades. Would the English church enjoy such impunity? Would the British Muslim community get away with any of its leaders being associated with buggery and paedophilia? I’ll let you ponder this one.

We have become inured to watching the Jewish state get away with racist policies, murder, ethnic cleansing, WMD and so on. But here in Britain, it is astonishing, yet far from being surprising,  that the head of the Jewish community managed to escape trial for decades over substantive charges of sexual assault, paedophilia and buggery.

If Jewish power is the capacity to silence the discussion of Jewish power, in the case of Lord Janner, it also managed to delete the fact that Britain’s suspected arch sex offender was also the leader of the Jewish community.

It is indeed hard to see how any of this happening to a prominent member of the Catholic Church or Church of England for instance without the connection being loudly pointed out.

On January 27 Britain commemorates Holocaust Memorial Day. At thousands of events children, parents and teachers will hear the words of Eli Wiesel who has written for the Holocaust Memorial Trust about those bystanders who failed to help:

I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented.

How sad that that the Jewish community is not prepared to listen and speak up for the victims of its leading light, Greville Janner.

Dennis Wise returns to Radio Aryan to discuss his week’s research for Communism by the Back Door with Sven Longshanks.

This week he has been looking at the child abuse that is associated with the British establishment. Just this very day it has been in the news again, with the case against Greville Janner being dropped after his recent death. Janner called for National Socialists to be hunted down no matter what age they were or how close to death, yet because he was too old and supposedly senile, he himself was not tried for child abuse, despite ‘overwhelming’ evidence against him.

As well as being an MP Janner was also Head of the British Board of Jews and the Jewish ‘holy’ book the Talmud, explicitly permits peadophilia in at least four places. No surprise then to find that Jimmy Saville was a big admirer of the Jews, who even went to Jewland to address the parliament there. Saville was also big pals with the British monarchy and as such, would have been vetted and followed about by the intelligence services to make sure that he would not embarrass them. The same is done for anyone who works for the BBC, so Saville would have been closely scrutinised by them twice. They must have known about his child abusing ways and kept quiet about it so as not to ‘rock the boat’ exactly the same as was done for Janner.

The original child kidnappers and abusers were the Jews, who have been thrown out of countless countries in Europe for these activities. Since they infiltrated and took over the Freemasons, both groups have worked together to prevent establishment high-fliers like Saville and Janner ever being tried for their crimes. Dennis highlights the fact that Hitler did away with the Masonic Temples as well as the Jews, banning both from operating in Free Europe.

This leads on to some questions from the chatroom to do with Dennis’ Hitler doumentary and finally the podcast ends with some talk about the way the media manipulate people’s emotions with pictures of children. From ISIS child soldiers and dead babies on beaches to starving kids in Syria, there is no depths that the Jewish media will not sink to, in order to deceive the people.

Hosted by Sven Longshanks and Dennis Wise

Truth Will Out Radio: Janner and the Jew Child-Abusers

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The decision to prosecute former President of the British Board of Jewish Deputies Greville Janner on 22 charges of historic child abuse means a long hot summer is ahead in London. The surprise new twist comes after an independent QC — senior lawyer — reviewed the case and said that a prosecution go could ahead.

It was a much criticised previous ruling by the government’s chief law officer, that Janner was too ill with Alzheimer’s to be tried, that set off a firestorm of controversy. The law officer’s decision was baffling when it was revealed there were adequate procedures for trying such defendants and they were used quite frequently.

The Occidental Observer amongst others had shown how his senility had not prevented him attending House of Lords debates and speaking or drawing hundreds of thousands of expenses.

But TOO has been the only media outlet to dare to ask whether it was Janner’s position as a leading Jewish politician at the nexus of the relationship between British politics and Jewish power in Britain that protected him.

Not only was he past president of British Board of Jewish Deputies, he was a past vice-president of both the Jewish Leadership Council in the UK and also the World Jewish Congress. He was a close confidante of prime ministers, presidents, royalty and numerous other international figures.

But it is his foundation of the Holocaust Education Trust and his efforts as a tireless campaigner for Israel that he will be most noted for.  Indeed he has said it is the inclusion of the Holocaust instruction into the British national curriculum which he is most proud.

As a supporter of the legal Jewish vigilante organisation, the CST, he helped facilitate its close links with the Home Office and Scotland Yard.  TOO has been so far the only media to report on how he once shared the stage at Covent Garden with the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police Lord Stevens and convicted fraudster and CST chairman Gerald Ronson.

Janner’s case is listed to come up at Westminster Magistrates Court on August 7th and although Janner will not be there, it promises to be a lively occasion.

Another decision to move a static July 4 demonstration to protest against the establishment of a separate Jewish police force, known as the “Shomrim”, in Jewish areas, is also under scrutiny.  Scotland Yard have announced that it will be moved from the north London district of Golders Green — where it was seen to be “provocative” — to Richmond Terrace near 10 Downing Street in central London!.

The surprising new venue is thought to reflect police anger that their political masters have slavishly caved into Jewish demands for their own police force complete with uniforms, police vehicles and training — all out of the Metropolitan Police budget. The -normal — police presence will be huge, for this occasion, apparently.

Nationalist campaigner Joshua Bonehill has been a moving spirit behind attempts to demonstrate against Shomrim and has been banned from London as a result.

The police have now applied for Britain’s first anti-social behaviour order to prevent him from using the internet. A sign of how the temperature is gradually getting higher in Britain. And all without mainstream media coverage of course.

Again, keep repeating: diversity is our greatest strength.

The Lord Greville Janner affair shows no signs of winding down despite the best efforts by the authorities to kick it into the long grass. Each week brings new revelations about the former President of the British Board of Jewish Deputies, who is suspected of at least 22 cases of child sexual abuse.

Up until now the scrutiny has mainly focused on how, although said to be too ill with dementia to be tried, the 86-year-old founder of the Holocaust Education Trust was able to take part in parliamentary debates, collect a hundred thousand pounds in expenses, and was compos mentis enough to sign over his property deeds to his children thereby putting them out of range of any damages litigation.

The Director of Public Prosecutions decision not to prosecute was equally baffling given that there are well-established and regularly used court procedures for dealing with suspects who have lost their faculties. The DPP’s decision is now to be reviewed.

But even now, after all this has been raked over, there are still some curious omissions in the coverage, and perhaps one involves Lord Janner’s propensity to groom senior police officers on behalf of various Jewish organisations. This is best illustrated by an evening at Covent Garden Opera House some years back when three black-tied men strode onto the empty stage after the main performance and launched into a spirited rendering of “A policeman’s lot is not a happy one” to the uproarious laughter of their guests.

The three included the then-serving Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police  John Stevens, the former president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews and suspected child rapist Lord Janner QC himself, and Gerald Ronson, a billionaire property dealer who was imprisoned for his part in the huge “Guinness” financial fraud in 1991.

What the three men had in common, apart from a love of opera, was they all sat on the advisory committee of a charity called the Community Security Trust, a private investigation agency run out of the British Board of Jewish Deputies and which has been chaired by Gerald Ronson since he left prison.

This lavishly funded organisation claims to fight anti-Semitism with a physical street presence and undercover and infiltration work. It is known to have close working relations with Scotland Yard and the Home Office.  It is said, in 2009, to have pulled in £5 million in donations, and has 64 employees including some of the highest paid executives in the charity sector.  But it has attracted a lot of criticism from within its own community for its method of drumming up business: ramping up ‘anti-semitism’ scares.

One left-wing Jewish blogger described it as “pretty secretive and sinister organisation. It goes to great lengths to hide the names of those in charge of it, having managed to persuade the Charity Commission that uniquely its trustees should not be named on the CC website.”

Despite its controversial nature, the CST has managed to enjoy senior police officer approval. Another former Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police Paul Condon said: “There is no other country of which I am aware that has such a sophisticated developed and disciplined community-based security organisation. Be proud of it and nurture it.”

According to Janner’s own memoir, the ad-hoc Gilbert and Sullivan performance must have taken place after the first police investigation was derailed. There is no suggestion that John Stevens — who has since been ennobled — did anything improper, but it is still strange that the media has not found anything interesting in the head of Scotland Yard’s night at the opera with the suspected child rapist and jailbird billionaire.

Indeed ‘A policeman’s lot is not a happy one’ could hardly be said to apply to Lord Stevens whose career has blossomed since he took a close interest in the welfare of the Jewish community. After leaving the role of Commissioner in 2005, he became chairman of a ‘corporate intelligence, investigations and risk mitigation’ outfit called Quest alongside some of the most prominent Jewish figures from the City of London as well as a former Director of Mossad and a former deputy director of the CIA.

But it will add to the suspicion that it was Greville Janner’s prominence as the public face of the Jewish community and his leadership in so many sensitive national organisations, that rendered him immune from prosecution.

While the judiciary squirm in embarrassment, Janner has even been abandoned by his own former House of Commons colleagues, 78 of whom have called for his case to go to court.

Neither the members in the House of Commons nor the British media have any reason to feel proud of their role in the Greville Janner affair, for as we shall see they were all fully made aware of all of the crucial details 20 years ago — and chose to do nothing.

In 1995, a twenty-three page booklet revealing the full inside story on the Greville Janner case began arriving in the mail at newspapers and television company offices across Britain.

Professionally written and laid out, the booklet, entitled “Is Greville Janner QC above the law?,” gave a full and accurate account of the Frank Beck paedophilia case to which Janner’s name had become inextricably linked. Apart from fulsome notes, the booklet contained as an appendix, a four-page pamphlet which had been published in 1992 headed “Janner FAILS to answer ‘sex with boy’ evidence.”

The booklet stuck rigidly to what had been said in court. It showed how at the beginning of Beck’s trial at Leicester Crown Court, the Judge made an unprecedented ruling that the names of prominent people mentioned in evidence given by witnesses could not be reported by the media. The judge even interrupted one witness to prevent mention of Janner’s name. Even as Beck’s trial proceeded, the judge’s “gagging order” against the media was overturned by the High Court in London. Such a sequence of unusual legal proceedings should have alerted the media to the fact that something sinister was being perpetrated, but these matters went largely unreported.

The pamphlet described how a former child resident of a care home, Paul Winston, had boasted of being a “rent boy with friends in high places.” The 13 year-old first met Janner when on a school outing to the House of Commons. Janner singled him out and invited him to visit the Commons again on his own, sending him the train ticket. Winston stated that he was taken to bed by Janner where they “cuddled and fondled each other.”

Despite the gravity of the central allegation, the pamphlet was measured and restrained:

“It is important to remember that the person on trial at Leicester was Frank Beck, not Greville Janner. None of the above constitutes proof that Janner committee grave sex crimes against a child nor it is our intention to assert that he is guilty of such offences.

“….It is however, our purpose to demonstrate that Greville Janner’s statement on these matters in the privileged environs of the Commons did not constitute a full answer to the charges against him; they were merely a cunningly scripted general denial.”

The pamphlet had been produced at considerable expense and many hundreds were sent out. It contained all the salient facts of the case laid out in a professional, digestible and easily checkable format. Thus the full details of the case could not have come more easily than if they had been delivered in a pink box tied up in ribbons.

It was sent to all 650 members of the House of Commons. It was also sent to such media luminaries such as David Frost, Jonathan Dimbleby and the veteran TV children’s rights campaigner Esther Rantzen who received two copies.

Copies were also sent to the hard core investigative units such as the Sunday Times Insight team and the specialist television programs such as ITV’s World in Action, BBC’s Panorama and Channel4’s Dispatches.

And which of these brave media outlets or prominent journalists picked up the story — apart from a few paragraphs in Private Eye magazine. Not one.  Only one copy that was sent to MPs has since turned up.

As with the children involved in the Rotherham rape epidemic, the Janner accusations involved children from local authority care homes. As with Rotherham, Britain’s media seem to have taken a collective decision that the well-being of such children was of no account compared to the risk to the reputation of such an eminent member of the Jewish left-wing establishment.

For all its self-image as fearless seekers after truth, Fleet Street is totally conformist, and in the mid-nineties the thought of pursuing the former President of the Board of  Deputies of British Jews was more than they were willing to take on, no matter how strong the evidence.

So who did produce this devastating pamphlet? Now the identities can be revealed. It was a duo of British nationalists who had followed the case closely and were outraged at how Britain’s media was giving its most prominent Jewish politician a pass.

They were Martin Webster, National Organiser of the National Front, and a retired entomologist turned successful Chelsea art dealer, Ken Guichard.  As organiser of the National Front, Martin Webster had become a household name and had led nationalist opposition to mass immigration in the late seventies and eighties. He could be usually seen at the front of mass demonstrations where the National Front marchers were attacked by the left.

Ken Guichard had, in his professional life, been an entomologist specialising in locust control whose efforts had saved countless lives and whose services had been secured by numerous Middle East governments. His exhibits of various species of Lepidoptera (butterflies) could be found in museums and universities across the world. It was his frequent visits to the Arab lands and the affection he developed for ordinary rural Arabs, especially the Bedouin nomads, which prompted his sympathy for the Arab/Palestinian cause and his anger at what was being done in Palestine.

Upon retirement he became an art dealer of some renown and had discovered an unknown painting by the 18th-century artist George Stubbs which had sold in the 1970s for £300,000.

What brought this pair together was an enthusiasm for nationalist politics and a sense of outrage that justice had not been done.  Martin Webster:

I felt that Greville Janner’s prominence not only as a peer and QC but as former President of the Board of Jewish Deputies had protected him. While Frank Beck was sent to prison for 30 years, Janner had been protected by his status within the Jewish community while he had — allegedly — done the same thing.”

We were careful not claim that he was guilty of anything. We merely showed that there was a lot of evidence and that he had a strong case to answer.

He had to be exposed. Here was a man who was essentially an alien in our land, who had rode roughshod over our laws, who was at the centre of a huge establishment cover-up.   And it was personal too.  Janner was a leader of a community who through his organisations had done much to illegally sabotage our efforts. Through the Labour Friends of Israel, he had helped form an alliance with another Jewish-run organisation known as the Socialist Workers Party to set up a third front organisation — the Anti Nazi League which inflicted great violence on our members during marches and elsewhere. 

For Martin Webster the silence of the media merely confirmed long-standing suspicions. “With our booklet, they now had all the information.  They could have made the programmes, asked the questions, confronted Janner and so on. Why didn’t they do it? The implications are almost as shocking as what Janner is alleged to have done.  It was a demonstration that any criticism of Jewish power cannot be countenanced.  It really is as simple as that.”

Six years after the Beck court case in which Greville Janner’s name was first mentioned in connection with child abuse, he was ennobled, and Janner entered the House of Lords as Lord Janner of Braunstone.

With the clamour of protest over the decision not to prosecute one of Britain’s most senior Jewish politicians over child rape allegations showing no sign of abating, it is worthwhile looking back at the career of the man at the centre.

Even without these lurid claims, Greville Janner must rank as one of the most unpopular specimens to ooze his way onto Parliament’s famous green benches.

With his pink carnation, clammy handshake and faint after burn of eau-de-cologne, his grinning approach was guaranteed to send a shiver down the spines of the toughest parliamentarians, even in his own Labour Party.

Nevertheless, this ingratiating, limp-wristed flatterer has prospered over the decades of his slithering along the corridors of power, not least due to his astute playing of the Jewish ethnic card.

His modus operandi was as a backroom operator, a Mr Fixit, a dispenser of favours and passer-on of messages. He was one of those types who would insist on doing someone a favour whether it was wanted or not. In his autobiography he says it was his mother who taught him his most important political lesson — there are few problems that could not be solved with a quiet word in the right ear.

Indeed, his own political career was launched by a backroom deal. The lifelong Londoner effectively inherited his Midlands constituency from his father after a dubious, secretive process which infuriated many local Labour Party members.

When it came to weaselling himself into the favour of a powerful figures, he displayed a sublime talent. A favoured tactic was to lobby some prominent figure for recognition for another one, especially in the Jewish community.  Here, he lobbies the Archbishop of Canterbury for an honour for the Chief Rabbi. There, he buttonholes a passing government minister and suggests an honour for a Jewish businessman.

From the beginning of his career a number of distinct themes have dominated his working life. One of the least savoury as it turns out was his close interest in the welfare of young boys who fall into the care system, and to that end he is a longstanding member of the Boy Scouts Association.

But the main one is his overriding commitment to the Jewish people.  That has been his main priority and he claims it stems from his experience as Britain’s youngest war crime investigator when he was in Germany just after the war.

As far as his own constituency of Leicester West was concerned, Janner was clearly more concerned about the welfare of immigrants from the Indian subcontinent than he was about the native White community or, as he puts it in his book, the “battle against racism and anti-Semitism is at the core of my life’s work”.

From the moment he was elected in 1970, Janner set about making himself indispensible to the fast-growing Indian community. At the time Britain was in the middle of a refugee crisis when Ugandan dictator Idi Amin threw all the Indian immigrants out of his country.

Under Britain’s Commonwealth and Nationality laws, a disastrous overhang from the days of Empire, these Indians were technically British subjects and entitled to come and stay in Britain. The laws had been drawn up as an administrative convenience and it had never been envisaged that Indians would ever leave their own country.  But in the sixties they began arriving in Britain in vast numbers. Many converged on Leicester to the alarm of the town’s native White population.

Leicester soon became the scene of racial discord and Whites took to the streets to vent their anger at being swamped by a foreign influx they had never been consulted about.  Labour Party voters deserted for the assertive new nationalist party, the National Front.

For Janner this was an opportunity to show where his loyalties — such as they were — really lay.  In his memoir he recalls inviting the Indian community to a meeting and telling them he stood “shoulder to shoulder” with them against the native White opposition.

“I am a Jew and half my family were destroyed by racists. I am an expert in discrimination.”  Said the privately-educated, Oxford and Harvard graduate who had inherited his father’s parliamentary seat.

In a breathtaking passage aimed directly at the White people he was paid to represent, he describes a conversation with a non-Asian school head teacher.  He claims that the unnamed head teacher said “They have raised the intelligence in my school.”  The sheer contempt for the native White population in that remark is unmistakable.

Gleefully, he remembered how he dismissed the objections of the native Whites. He writes “I was determined to battle against some of my indigenous constituents dislike of the unlike…”  And enthusiastically he took up the fight against his own White constituents.

In 1971 Leicester council placed an advert in Kampala newspapers saying Leicester was full but this did nothing to stem the immigration flow. Janner recalls:   “The Leicester Mercury and the local police were my allies in keeping the local National Front and the fascists at bay. In local elections in 1977 the National Front only missed gaining a seat in one of my housing estates by a few votes. ‘Enough’ I said to my Labour colleagues. We recognised that the estate was almost entirely white. They were afraid of people they had never met. The National Front seemed their natural ally. We must expose them. “ he recalled.

His access to Jewish network of contacts and big money proved crucial, and it is here he reveals an episode of extremely dubious legality. “I consulted the (Jewish) Board of Deputies. They had recently produced a wonderful pamphlet with the bold slogan on the front. ‘The National Front’ is a Nazi front’. We put one into every letter box on the estate. The local fascists cringed and never received the same level of votes again.” In fact a police prosecution of far-left activists did take place for circulating literature in contravention of election laws.

One of the NF candidates threatened to sue for libel, with the result that Janner took a Jewish high street retail millionaire called Stanley Kalms up to Leicester for a visit. Janner claims in his book that Kalms promised to underwrite any court action. Lord Kalms was later to become a huge contributor to the Conservative Party — a good example of how common Jewish interests override trifling party considerations.

With Janner’s support, the Indian surge continued and by 1976 around 40,000 Asians from India and Pakistan had flooded into Leicester and comprised about 20% of the population. Janner freely admits he came to depend on the Indian community for his election majorities. National Front council votes were as high as 30% in local elections.

Janner repaid Stanley Kalms’ support by lobbying furiously for him to receive first a knighthood and then a peerage. This finally paid off in 2004 when Kalms entered the House of Lords as Baron Kalms of Edgeware, better known as Lord Kalms.

As if so often the case with Jewish politicians, the diversity Janner was so keen to impose on his constituents did not extend to his own circle or even his private office. From his numerous business partners to the researchers he used throughout his parliamentary career, he seems to have hired or worked with only other Jews and used gentiles solely for admin and other menial roles.

It has been frequently pointed out in TOO that the Jewish community is forgiving of Jews who run afoul of the law. Disgraced Jewish businessmen  frequently double-down on their ethnic identity by suddenly developing a deep interest in the cause of Israel and Jewish charities.

Janner has been able to turn this dubious and transparent tactic to great profit. Time and again he has provided his services as a political fig leaf to shady businessmen — for a price, of course.

One was the London casino magnate Cyril Stein who had his gaming licence revoked for disreputable practices in the 1970s when magistrates said he was not a “fit and proper” person. Janner was happy to accept a non-executive seat on the board of Stein’s Ladbrokes betting shop chain which he boasted paid more than his parliamentary salary.

The second involved another millionaire businessman called Gerald Ronson who was jailed for a year for his part in a share-rigging scandal in 1990. Ronson was released from prison to a sumptuous “Welcome Home” party provided by the ever-forgiving Jewish community. It was presided over by the Chief Rabbi Jonathan Sacks and there too, ingratiating as ever, was Greville Janner.

Since then Ronson has wormed his way back to respectability of sorts with his chairmanship of the sinister Jewish security organisation, the CST, which is largely an offshoot of the Board of Jewish Deputies.

Janner’s energetic lobbying helped ensure that Ronson’s criminal record did not stop him being made a Commander of the British Empire (CBE) in 2012 for his services to Jewish — and other — charities.

Another of Janner’s close associates was Stuart Kuttner, a managing editor of the News of the World newspaper when bogus exposes of non-existent racist and neo-nazi plots was something of a staple at the paper. (A former News of the World journalist hack has written about this practice at length).

Other close associates have included the notorious fraudster Robert Maxwell (“Robert Maxwell, aka the Bouncing Czech, demonstrated that you can have a lot of fun in publishing … especially if you are using other people’s money and are not inhibited by ethics or concern about legality”) and Lord Goodman who was a solicitor for former British prime minister Harold Wilson and is said to have prevented many a scandal by threatening newspaper editors.

Janner was also close to other Jewish politicians such as Mrs Thatcher’s former Home Secretary Leon Brittan, now deceased, who has been much in the news of late for his alleged involvement with a paedophile ring.

But it is Janner’s role in the establishment of Britain’s most moneyspinning holocaust charity that is his crowning glory. The Holocaust Education Trust has been rather silent about the debt they owe to Greville Janner, since it became public knowledge that he was a suspected child rapist. As I noted in an earlier article,

This huge organisation has embarked on one of the largest programmes of social engineering ever seen in Britain. Its main achievement has been in making Holocaust propaganda a central part of the core National Curriculum in England. Now every pupil between 11 and 14 must undergo mandatory Holocaust instruction.   More than half of Britain’s schools now take part in the HET’s “Lessons from Auschwitz” programme while it has sent about 15,000 pupils to visit Auschwitz itself.

It directs an ambitious “Outreach” indoctrination programme and claims to have recruited 20,000 “Ambassadors” amongst Britain’s young people to spread the word and diligently ensure that Holocaust enthusiasm does not drop to unacceptable levels.

The HET has impeccable cross-party political and business Jewish connections, including House of Commons Speaker John Bercow and Lord Browne, formerly the head of British Petroleum.  But getting the Prime Minister to attend its annual appeal dinner and announce not only the latest cash boost [from the government to the tune of £2,400,000 per year] but that he would chair the new Holocaust Commission and visit Auschwitz himself next year, was a real coup.

Nevertheless they could never have cornered such a huge share of the Holocaust market without his connections, access to money or driving ambition. It is the achievement of which he is the most proud.

When not networking, Janner’s main joy in life seemed to be to go on international junkets in which he would never miss an opportunity to oil himself up to local dignitaries.

Jewish causes were always what was closest to his heart, whether it was recovering looted wartime art or arranging for the Jews to leave the Eastern Europe for Israel during the Cold war.

Janner’s love for his people has always helped him overcome his infirmities. Two years ago and four years after his diagnosis of suffering from Alzheimer’s disease, he was fit enough to travel to Israel to receive his ultimate accolade from his people — the opening of a kindergarten named after him, in  a ceremony attended by the British Ambassador, in Israel.

The naming of the Lord Greville Janner Education Centre in Galilee was a thank you for both his lifelong interest in the welfare of children and commitment to Israel and the Jewish people.

As an indication of how great the public outcry is, eleven leading MPs from seven parties — at least two of them Jewish — have written to The Times asking that the Director of Public Prosecutions reconsider her decision not to prosecute him. They say she risks “damaging public confidence” with her position that the case not go any further.

Life has been good to Greville Janner, due in no small part to his ability for friendship and ethnic fealty. These are gifts, however, that finally seem to be deserting him.

See also Francis Carr Begbie’s “The Silence of Greville Janner”

Demented Jew ‘Lord’ Greville Janner will now not be charged with child abuse, despite over 20 victims and 3 previous investigations that were all sabotaged.

Unlike Jimmy Savill and Cyril Smith, who were both convicted of their crimes after their deaths, this vile Jewish pervert is still alive, but will not be tried because he has dementia.

If Saville and Smith could be convicted in the absence of being alive, then why can Janner not be tried in the absence of being sane?

This special treatment wouldn’t have anything to do with him being Jewish would it?

Daily Mail:

Lord Janner should have been charged with historic child sex offences on three occasions over 25 years and will now never be prosecuted because of the ‘severity’ of his dementia, the Crown Prosecution Service said today.

Alison Saunders, Director of Public Prosecutions, has expressed her ‘deep regret’ that the 86-year-old former Labour MP for Leicester West will not face trial because of botched investigations in 1991, 2002 and 2007.

The decision not to charge him with 22 alleged sex attacks on children has infuriated police and campaigners, who have called it ‘perverse’ and a ‘step backwards for justice’.

Leicestershire Police may appeal because they handed the CPS ‘credible evidence’, including videos, showing ‘this man carried out some of the most serious sexual crimes imaginable’.

Sir Clive Loader, the Conservative Police and Crime Commissioner for Leicestershire, said: ‘This decision is not just wrong – it is wholly perverse and is contrary to any notion of natural justice. I cannot believe that any right-minded person will understand or support it’.

Labour has now suspended the veteran peer from the party ‘in light of these very serious allegations’.

While one alleged victim branded the decision not to pursue the case ‘a disgrace’, Lord Janner’s family said he is ‘entirely innocent of any wrongdoing’ and ‘is a man of great integrity’.

More than a dozen people came forward to claim Lord Janner abused them during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, the CPS said.

Today they admitted there is enough evidence to prosecute the peer for 16 indecent assaults and six counts of buggery, but he is no longer fit to stand trial.

Mrs Saunders said: ‘The CPS judges that mistakes were made in the decision making at the time by both the Leicestershire police and the CPS. Lord Janner should have been prosecuted in relation to those complaints. It is a matter of deep regret that the decisions in relation to the previous investigations were as they were’.

The full sordid story of how one Jewish MP has managed to keep avoiding prosecution for various sex crimes has come to light.

Greville Janner chairs the Holohoax Educational Trust and is vice-president of the World Jewish Congress.  Jewishness is a fundamental part of this monster’s identity.

He has still not been arrested and is now claiming that he has dementia, as calling his accusers ‘Anti-Semites’ is no longer working.

Daily Mail:

Shortly before retiring in 1997, a Labour MP called Andrew Faulds created an archive of the paperwork he had accrued during three colourful decades in Parliament.

Filling 263 boxes, it contained — among a great many other things — two highly sensitive documents which had landed on the prominent backbencher’s desk in 1992 and 1995.

The first was a four-page leaflet published by a group which called itself ‘Concerned Leicester Parents’. The second was a 24-page booklet, which claimed on its cover to reveal: ‘How people in high places covered-up for a Parliamentary paedophile’.

Faulds, an avuncular figure who acted with the Royal Shakespeare Company before entering politics, died in 2000, aged 77. His entire archive was subsequently transferred to the library of the London School of Economics [LSE].

There, it has sat unnoticed and virtually untouched for more than a decade. Recent events, however, seem likely to propel the Faulds archive to sudden prominence.

That’s because the yellowing pages of those two documents discuss what is now a snowballing political scandal.

Indeed, as their description in LSE’s library catalogue puts it, they explore in forensic detail ‘allegations of sexual abuse against a child’ by a colleague of Faulds called Greville Janner.

‘This booklet details a scandal that makes the sex and sleaze sagas of most politicians seem trivial,’ claims the 1995 document. The 1992 leaflet is meanwhile headlined: ‘Janner fails to answer “sex with boy” evidence.’

Greville Janner is nowadays Lord Janner of Braunstone. Aged 86 and widowed with three children, he is a prominent ex-barrister, who wrote more than 60 books and represented Leicester as a Labour MP for almost 30 years. Janner is also a former president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, and keen amateur magician. After retiring from the Commons in 1997, he was made a life peer.

One of his few subsequent forays into the public eye came in 2002, when Uri Geller, a friend, arranged for him to accompany Michael Jackson on a tour of Parliament. The trio dropped in on a party for Labour MP Paul Boateng, where Jackson agreed to sing happy birthday.

Life has, in other words, been very comfortable indeed. Or at least it was until December 20 last year, when Lord Janner’s genteel semi-retirement came to an abrupt halt.

That day, police descended on his home in Golders Green, North London, carrying a warrant to search the premises as part of a high-profile paedophile probe. The officers, who this June also searched Janner’s Westminster office (removing computers and other files), are part of Operation Enamel, an investigation into historic abuse claims linked to Leicestershire children’s homes during the 1970s and 1980s.

At the heart of their inquiry is the notorious 1991 trial of Frank Beck, a local care-home warden suspected of abusing roughly 200 children in his care between 1973 and 1986.

Beck, a former Liberal councillor, was given five life sentences, plus a further 24 years behind bars, after being found guilty of 17 counts of sexual abuse of children in his care. He died in prison in 1994.

The crimes shocked the nation, prompting an official inquiry chaired by Andrew Kirkwood QC. Yet Beck’s 11-week trial, at Leicester Crown Court, also made headlines for a sensational side-plot involving Janner.

That plot revolved around testimony from four separate witnesses, two of whom spoke for the prosecution, and two for the defence — and one of whom was Beck himself.

Each provided evidence supporting (to varying degrees) a similar, shocking thesis: that Greville Janner had, during the 1970s, pursued a sexual relationship with a teenage boy who lived at one of Beck’s care homes.

It should be stressed that Janner was not a witness in court, and was forbidden by law from commenting on proceedings until the jury reached a verdict. After the case finished, he did issue a swift and unequivocal denial of any wrongdoing.

Perhaps the most detailed claims against him, meanwhile, were made by the alleged victim, by that time a 30-year-old man. Speaking under oath, he claimed Janner had abused him repeatedly between the ages of 13 and 15, showing the jury letters the MP had sent him on House of Commons notepaper in the mid-1970s, and providing a description of Janner’s London residence.

Several letters, today in the hands of police, were signed ‘love Greville’. One, seemingly sent after they’d stayed together at his home, declared: ‘It feels strange not to have you flipping around like a friendly flea! In fact — I miss you.’

The boy further alleged that the MP had frequently abused him at the Holiday Inn in Leicester, where he once violated him in the swimming pool.

‘I was fondled in my private area. It seemed at first like a bit of fun, being thrown around in the water, but he would hold me close.’

Beck, for his part, used this testimony as part of an ambitious defence: that he had been a protector, rather than an abuser, of vulnerable children. He argued that he was being prosecuted to divert attention from Janner and other, more powerful, paedophiles. ‘I spent two years putting right the damage that man had done to that boy,’ he told the court.

Two other witnesses spoke for the prosecution, saying Beck had raped them. But in cross-examination, they nonetheless also appeared to confirm some details of the boy’s story.

A Labour peer’s office in the House of Lords has been raided as part of a probe into historic child sex abuse allegations, writes Ben Endley in the Sunday People.

Up to eight officers from Leicestershire Police searched Greville Janner’s space and are understood to have removed computer equipment.

The force refused to confirm whether anything was seized but said the March raid was part of an ongoing enquiry.

Lord Janner, 85, has not been arrested in connection with the allegations but Leicestershire Police submitted a dossier of evidence to the Crown Prosecution Service in April.

The former QC was named Baron Janner of Braunstone, Leicester, in 1997 after serving as an MP for 27 years, at Leicester North West then Leicester West.

It is thought the raid was part of an investigation concerning allegations linked to Frank Beck, who was found guilty of abusing more than 100 children in the 1970s and 1980s.

The pervert, who ran ­children’s homes in Leicestershire, was given five life sentences and died in jail.

A police spokesman said: “Leicestershire Police can confirm that in March its officers carried out a search of part of the House of Lords in connection with an ongoing enquiry into non-recent child sexual abuse.

“A search warrant was ­obtained in advance from a Crown Court Judge and the search was conducted in ­accordance with established House of Lords procedures and monitored by senior officials from the House of Lords.

“No arrests or charges have been made and enquiries continue.”

In December, Leicestershire officers searched Lord Janner’s home in Barnet, North London. His legal team has confirmed he is helping with inquiries.

Two men from Corby, Northamptonshire, aged 69 and 63 have also been quizzed in connection with the allegations but have not been arrested.

In Beck’s 1991 trial, a 30-year-old man claimed he had been abused by Lord Janner, who was still an MP at the time, while he was in care aged 13.

Lord Janner was not ­prosecuted and received cross-party support in the Commons when he said there was “not a shred of truth” in the claims.

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